“You’re young, intelligent, and beautiful”: How Microaffirmations Inspire Summer Bridge Program Students to Persist

Conceptualizing Microaffirmations

As previously mentioned, microaffirmations broadly are intentional or unintentional encounters and messages that convey inclusion, support, and appreciation to individuals or groups who may feel unwelcome or invisible in an environment (Rowe, 2008). These exchanges were initially conceptualized by Rowe (2008) to reduce harmful and deficit-oriented (i.e., microaggressions) events in the workplace and increase worker productivity by acknowledging and leveraging people’s strengths. Since Rowe’s conceptualization, scholars and practitioners have sought to understand how microaffirmations build community and validate and dignify the lived experiences of persons who have been historically marginalized and disenfranchised in society (Solórzano & Huber, 2020).

Guided by principles and tenets of Critical Race Theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017; Taylor et al., 2016), microaffirmations are verbal and nonverbal acts experienced by BIPOC racial groups that account for their racialized reality or assist them in resisting the impact of racism on their everyday lives (Jones & Rolon-Dow, 2018). These verbal (i.e., language) and nonverbal acts (i.e., nods, smiles, embraces) are subtle strategies that BIPOC groups consciously engage in to affirm each other’s value, integrity, and shared humanity (Solórzano et al., 2019). The affirming expressions inherent in microaffirmation encounters are intended to produce moments of shared cultural intimacy among BIPOC groups that (a) affirm their humanity and dignity in everyday life and (b) acknowledge their agency, resilience, and collective self-worth (Solórzano et al., 2019). These encounters are also expressions that pay homage to past and present efforts to acknowledge, address, or combat racism perpetuated in the functioning of institutions (Jones & Rolon-Dow, 2018). In addition, they help to create a language for the strategies and messages of affirmation and validation that racially BIPOC groups engage in and convey to each other to counter deficit-based narratives inherent in microaggressions (Solórzano et al., 2019). Thus, these messages and expressions are multidimensional and serve as a means for promoting counter-stories and counter-spaces to address and resist contextual and individual forms of racism and discrimination experienced in everyday life among people who have been historically marginalized by race, class, and gender (Lee & Harris, 2020).

Microaffirmations Impact on Undergraduate Students

Research studies indicate that microaffirmations profoundly influence the campus experiences of BIPOC and low-income students. Ellis and colleagues (2019) showed how microaffirmations could be captured in a taxonomy of overt and covert messages from faculty, staff, and peers that support the academic success, personal success, and identities of first-generation college students. Students described interpersonal encounters that provide feedback and scaffold resources to support students on campus (i.e., microsupport). Microsupports were experienced when participants believed they were personally supported by faculty. They received affirming messages from professors about their college experience on campus, and staff showed genuine interest in their college experience. Microcompliments were another type of microaffirmation students experienced from peers and family who praised and admired their academic accomplishments and social identity. Finally, microvalidations were encountered when peers, faculty, and staff acknowledged the unique challenges first-generation college students face on campus.

Additional research has found that Black and Latinx undergraduate students believed their identities and lived experiences were genuinely affirmed when community members and the institution intentionally made their struggles and accomplishments known, visible, and appreciated on campus, as well as felt being advocated for and supported when they experienced race-related stress (e.g., racial microaggressions; Rolón-Dow & Davison, 2020). Similarly, Ellis and colleagues (2024) identified that an academic program that leverages social and racial justice principles in its curriculum and pedagogy promotes microaffirmations for BIPOC students. Such spaces were found to cultivate and affirm participants’ identities, lived experiences, and future goals. Students also reported that the microaffirmations they received from instructors enabled them to advance and grow in critical social justice knowledge about marginalized communities. Moreover, microaffirmations—whether received individually to promote institutional belonging or value the contributions of ethnic, cultural, and gender groups—have been found to promote academic self-efficacy, especially in science (Estrada et al., 2019). The microaffirmations experienced by students also positively influenced self-efficacy in Demetriou and colleagues’ (2024) study. They discovered that microaffirmations gave undergraduate students the confidence to improve their performance in academic coursework and persevere through educational and personal difficulties.

Although evidence indicates that microaffirmations contribute to nonacademic outcomes such as academic self-efficacy and sense of belonging, more empirical evidence is needed to understand how these encounters occur in college transition programs such as SBPs in aiding the college transition experiences of BIPOC and low-income students (Kornbluh et al., 2021; Swanbrow Becker et al., 2017; Turner et al., 2021; Ward et al., 2020). Thus, given the vital role of microaffirmations in supporting the undergraduate experiences of BIPOC and low-income students, exploring how the identities and lived experiences of racially BIPOC students are uplifted by their participation in an SBP is critical. We use microaffirmations as a theoretical framework to examine positive relationships experienced by summer bridge participants. Our study uplifts positive experiences during SBPs by focusing on how students describe the subtle positive acts and gestures that lead to positive and foundational social experiences. Understanding how SBPs promote microaffirmations may be vital in identifying key events and experiences that promote their sense of connection to a campus community and decisions to continue pursuing their undergraduate degree despite encountering academic and social challenges.

Site

The PWI has over 40,000 undergraduate students and approximately 6,000 first-year students. The majority of the students are White (69.3%), followed by Asian (13%), Black (4%), Latino/a (4%), and Native American (0.3%). The 7-week living-learning SBP is one of several programs designed to assist high achieving underrepresented students transition into the university. The mission/goals of the program are to strengthen academic skills through foundational courses, provide personalized advising and instruction, acclimate students to the university’s academic rigor, establish a supportive and diverse environment, shape students’ personal and social adjustment to the campus environment, and expose students to campus resources. Students enrolled in the SBP take 8–9 credit-bearing courses in English, writing, math, and a first-year reading seminar, which is considered a full summer course load at the university. All credits taken apply to students’ four-year degree requirements. Each student is assigned to an academic advisor in the SBP who serves as their assigned advisor for the duration of their academic career.

Participants and Recruitment

Given our focus on the long-term influence of a SBP, data focused on participants who had transitioned through the program and college within a 10-year period. Participants included students who identified as program alumni who had participated within a three-year period between 2008 and 2010, graduated from the university by 2016, and maintained at least a 2.5 GPA. They were recruited through a listserv provided by the summer program director. A list of students who participated in the SBP between 2008 and 2010, graduated with at least a 2.5 GPA, and had been in communication with a summer SBP staff member within the last year was generated. Twenty-three students met those criteria, and all were invited to participate in the study. Seven students responded. Another recruitment email was administered to increase the pool of participants, generating one additional participant. Thus, eight students agreed to be interviewed—five identified as Black, two as Latinx, and one as White. The White student has been excluded from this study as this study focuses on microaffirmations, which are derived from ideologies embedded within racial microaggressions; further information about each participant is in Table 1. Data consisted of hour-long semistructured interviews with follow-up phone calls. Participants were asked about their backgrounds and upbringings, the influences of the SBP on their academic and social experiences, and long-term interactions with other peers, faculty, and staff after the summer. Sample questions included: What influences contributed to your decision to go to college? How do you feel the SBP contributed, if at all, to your academic experience at the university? How do you feel the SBP contributed, if at all, to your social experience at the university?

Data Analysis

We analyzed the data using an emergent, inductive process and then connected our study to the critical theoretical approach (i.e., microaffirmation) in Dedoose coding software (Carspecken, 1996/2014; Winkle-Wagner et al., 2019). First, we used a data reduction technique (Neumann, 2009) where we reread each interview, pulled the data specific to their summer bridge experiences, and then reanalyzed it. We compiled the participant transcripts and then asked an analytic question of the data (Neumann, 2009) to garner responses from alums describing how they were affirmed literally or figuratively by peer advisors, staff, and faculty during their summer experience. We coded the data for possible responses to the analytic question using in-vivo coding.

To study microaffirmations, all four authors initially reread the transcripts and had peer debriefings to discuss the participants’ positive and negative experiences while attending the SBP. Afterward, all four authors reviewed and confirmed that students had positive experiences in the SBP. We then coded the data using Ellis’ (2019) three types of microaffirmations, a deductive approach considering whether the data might relate to these subtle forms of support specific to students of color (Winkle-Wagner et al., 2019). Moreover, Ellis’ microaffirmation taxonomy was appropriate in the present study given that the majority of our sample identified as a first-generation college student. The deductive codes and definitions guiding this component of our data analysis are displayed in Table 2. It is important to note that the interview protocol did not explicitly ask questions about subtle instances of being affirmed by peers, staff, and faculty. However, through dialogue, the participants talked about times when they were affirmed and how these events shaped their college success. There may have been other experiences that students had that shaped the students’ sense of belonging. However, we focused our analysis on the explicit recollections that emerged unsolicited. The transcripts were entered into Dedoose along with three codes that align with microaffirmations: microsupport, microcompliment, and microvalidation. The first and third authors reread all the transcripts and coded instances of microaffirmation. Once coded, the second and fourth authors discussed quotes entered under each code to determine the fit and look for nuances. Only quotes that all authors agreed upon remained as data.

We employed trustworthiness techniques (Carspecken, 1996/2014). As a team, we practiced peer debriefing meetings (Carspecken, 1996/2014) throughout the different analysis phases. During this peer debriefing process, we realized that we needed to identify and differentiate who the various types of support and affirmation emerged from to acquire a richer analysis. We discussed our positionalities, backgrounds, and theoretical experiences relative to data analysis and interpretation. All authors of this study research racial BIPOC students navigating higher education through different pipeline or pathway interventions, with one author’s philosophy rooted in the affirming experiences students encounter on college campuses. Three authors identify as Black women and one identifies as a Black man. All authors have backgrounds working with SBPs in an administrative or research capacity, with two authors having transitioned through a summer program, allowing for a deeper analysis of the affirming experiences students shared within their program.

As a group, we understood the ways our experiences differentiated from the participants, dialoguing about our intentional experiences as program administrators and researchers who had transitioned to college with and without a SBP. We also discussed the different forms of microaffirmations to see if and how the participants’ experiences counted as a microaffirmation during and after the program until we reached a consensus.

Limitations

There are a few limitations to this study. Participants in this study were asked to recall their experiences in the SBP. Considering students attended the SBP years prior to the interview, they may have struggled to recall past events or unconsciously reshaped past experiences to align with their current beliefs and values. The study was also not designed to explore microaffirmations; therefore, the opportunity to explore deeper meaning of this phenomenon during the interview did not occur. Exploring these deeper meanings would have allowed participants to conceptualize their own understanding of microaffirmations as it pertains to their lived experiences. Having these participant conceptualizations would have enabled us to further contextualize the microaffirmations they experienced in relation to their engagement in SBP activities. Despite these limitations, we believe this study provides authentic perspectives that further our understanding of microaffirmations in an SBP.

Theme 1: Microaffirmations Through Personalized Support From Peer Advisors and Adults

Many participants readily recalled the heightened levels of support they felt while participating in the SBP. The program’s structure as a living-learning community, where students take courses, engage in activities, and live together, enabled students to spend much time together and foster rich connections. This structure allowed students to engage with peer advisors within the classroom and residence hall, allowing relationships to form organically.

As out-of-state students, Brandon and Samantha found support from their peer advisors and other participants within the summer bridge community. Samantha established a group of friends and peer advisors whom she called her family. Brandon developed strong relationships with individuals from the SBP. He stated, “I had friends I could call on to just talk to.” Peer advisors were especially helpful to Megan. She shared, “The peer advisors were good at acclimating me into the college environment.” Megan continues, “Peer advisors stuck out a lot because I was like really close with one of the peer advisors, and she was like more like a friend than anything else, and they have such a big influence on whatever we did.” Notably, upper-class students who served as peer advisors played a vital role for students in the program academically and socially. Academically, the participants appreciated having peer advisors, academic advisors, and instructors who were focused on them and could talk about courses above and beyond what course to select for the fall. Socially, participants appreciated being around other students and peer advisors who helped them build community before starting the fall semester. Knowing that peer advisors and other program participants were valuable resources contributed to Brandon’s adjustment to campus. He shared:

So, like I said, the best resource for me was just the people, the PAs [peer advisors], the advisors, the teachers, semi because they were more engaging, I will say more than some of the teachers that I had in the fall, especially in the big lecture classes. And also, just the kids, the kids who are a big resource that are my peers were a big resource because they knew what, everybody had that same common goal. So, everybody was working towards the same [goal] because everybody’s running towards the same thing.

Brandon appreciated the support of the program’s peer advisors, instructors, and academic advisors, which continued beyond the SBP. Brandon discovered that his fellow bridge participants were a significant resource in the fall term, especially in large lecture classes. Peer advisors were also critical for Samantha’s first-year adjustment to campus as an out-of-state student who longed to find community within the program.

She described,

Being that I was out of state and I didn’t already have a community or people to fall back on, I was in dire need of trying to find that. So, that way, I knew that I wouldn’t leave. So, I think I took more advantage of those relationships and tried to invest more in them because I knew how important they were to my survival at [the university] and, so I think that is why I purposely clung onto some of my PA’s [peer advisors] and I think they clung on to me because they knew I needed that and we just genuinely got along. Yeah, and actually, I’m like their little sister, and like they really are family to me because of that.

Brandon and Samantha valued the mentorship of peer advisors and believed they understood their college transition experience and needs. This shared understanding enabled Brandon and Samantha to foster genuine relationships with peer advisors. These long-lasting relationships with peers, program faculty, and staff promoted a supportive environment, preventing Samantha from leaving the university. Samantha shared the impact of the relationships built within the program.

I don’t think I would have stayed at [the university] if I didn’t if I wouldn’t have gone through it, to be honest. Just because I built friendships that I still have to this day because of that program. Both of my best friends are results of that program. People that I call my family are results of that program who’s kept me maintained and encouraged me while I’ve been in school. Yeah, I think that’s the best takeaway that I could possibly ever have is that I left with a community that’s still true to this day.

This passage shows that Samantha’s relationships with peer advisors were authentic and beneficial to her academic success and psychological well-being. This connection with peer advisors carried on after the program. Living in the residence hall with program participants created access to a reliable resource. The participants’ responses in this study revealed that the SBP provided a supportive environment for them to develop long-lasting friendships with other program participants (i.e., peer advisors).

Other participants described how peer advisors and instructors uplifted them through verbal affirmations, which nurtured their sense of self and were manifested through personalized support. These verbal expressions explicitly demonstrated how folks at the university appreciated their presence and empowered them to collectively embrace the value and worth of the communities they represent. This was particularly evident for Alexis, who recalled witnessing other students being affirmed when misbehaving to impress others. Alexis explained,

But it was nice that the PAs [peer advisors] were telling them like hey, why are you doing this? . . . You should value yourselves, you know. You’re young, intelligent, beautiful young women . . . It was just nice to have that . . . to like have them telling you [these things].

Alexis appreciated the affirming comments and noted that the peer advisors extended support rather than reprimanding the students. This action increased her self-efficacy as she believed she, too, embodied those same characteristics. The peer advisors referring to her as intelligent and beautiful was their way of affirming her intersecting identities as a young woman and student. This showed Alexis that despite the conversation deriving from a negative encounter, they complimented and affirmed her instead of reprimanding her for perceived destructive behaviors. This subtle act of positivity impacted Alexis as she appreciated their affirmations and handling of her as a young woman beginning college. Maurice had great respect for his peer advisors. He described,

They were people actually to look up to, you know. They were black women, you know, very intelligent, handled their business, and they basically, they kept it real . . . you know, in a lot of things, not just academic but a lot of, you know, the social ills, things of that nature and just how to survive and navigate being on campus. That’s what I got from them.

Maurice’s compliments about his peer advisors showcase his deep appreciation and regard for their presence within the program. Advisors and instructors were also vital in providing personalized support. Maurice discussed support from his academic advisor and math instructor. He shared, “My advisor was a great support system for me here . . . when things were challenging.” Maurice described his math instructor as “very supportive.” He often went to his math instructor for “math things,” which was very beneficial as an economics major. Alexis also felt her academic advisor was a great resource, particularly when exploring majors and career options. She explained, “Even though I didn’t come as frequently as I should have probably to see my advisor, I did come, and I did receive help, like in figuring out what I want to study.” Leslie reported about the individualized attention and academic support she received from her math instructor. Her instructor made time for students in the program during the evenings and weekends, which made students feel cared for. Leslie shared,

So, I feel like [my math instructor’s] personality and her passion and her dedication towards whether it be math or the program in general just automatically played a role on other students cause you went into her class, and you felt like somebody truly cared for you. Like she took the time to do one-on-one tutoring, you know, tutoring in the evenings, tutoring on Saturdays, and she made her schedule fit your schedule so you could really succeed not only in the bridge program but at [the university] overall.

The support from friends within the program, instructors, staff, and peer advisors provided academic encouragement throughout her college career.

Theme 2: Cultivating Confidence to Engage Academically and Socially on Campus

Participants recalled how the program validated that they deserved to be at the university. Despite their racial-ethnic background, socioeconomic background, or test scores, the program welcomed them to campus and provided resources to help them achieve in the SBP and beyond. Program participants encountered microaffirmations when they felt confident academically and socially and a sense of belonging on campus. David shared that participating in the program “definitely just helped to make it feel comfortable.” He continued, “I had some confidence to advance to regular year, and I knew the campus now, and so I left it just [feeling] more at ease.” Participants such as Brandon established a strong academic foundation within the SBP, which allowed him to sustain a solid GPA throughout his college career. Brandon stated, “I learned what it was like to pursue a future at [the university] through the academics in Bridge.” Leslie ended the program with a 3.5 GPA and was proud to overcome the feeling of intimidation and not being good enough to do well academically at the university. She explained, “It was pretty much a boost to get you acclimated with the campus, with the classes, with the workload.”

Students also gained confidence in other areas of academic life on campus. For instance, Samantha believed she could confidently engage in her classes due to being in the SBP, sharing, “I think [the summer bridge program] just overall like prepared me to speak up in class.” While reflecting on her summer experience, Leslie also felt more confident in her academic performance due to her participation in the SBP. Leslie said,

So, I was really intimidated and kind of scared go to [the university] because looking on paper, in my opinion, I didn’t qualify, so I feel like being a part of [summer] bridge really gave me that boost of confidence that I needed to be at this huge university and this huge predominantly White university as well as being the only Black kid in class and having to maneuver and figure out that and different identities. I feel like it was helpful in that sense.

Before entering the university, Leslie was not as confident in her ability to do well academically. After participating in the SBP, Leslie felt the program motivated her to do well as a Black student attending a PWI. Brandon felt more confident connecting with students who did not look like him.

You know, we have different values [and] we have different experiences that brought us to this point, but we can all find a common goal to pursue together, and that helped me socially. I felt more comfortable actively seeking out those common goals within relationships with people outside of the Bridge program. So it just gave me a more secure sense of myself as far as my ability to develop relationships.

The development of multiple relationships aided the participants in cultivating a sense of belonging and connection to the university. David talks about how participating in the summer program helped him “feel a lot more connected to campus or just the people on campus. Who we get to share those experiences with, talk about sharing successes with, without the fear of being any type of stereotype or anything like that . . .” Leslie also discussed how the SBP helped with the social aspect of transitioning to college. She summed up her transition: “I got to learn the campus . . . be independent on my own and getting a step ahead.” Having the feeling that you are not alone provides a sense of validation. Alexis appreciated knowing other students from different areas also participated in the SBP. She shared,

Even though we were all in the same boat, we were all from different areas, so that was really nice to have people from not just only Detroit, but from other different cities and to see what their experience was like.

Participants also discussed how different the fall term looked compared to the summer. Megan appreciated meeting other students, particularly other Black students in the program. She explained how the program contributed to her transition to campus.

Just knowing people before, you know, starting school for real, and it was nice knowing Black people because when I started [in the fall term], I was like . . . ugh, there is no one around. It’s like, it was like really weird. It was like I was not expecting that, to like be in a class where like 100 people and there’ll be like two Black people.