Two Types of Split Quantification

Abstract

This paper provides new evidence in favor of a theory of phrase structure that recognizes adjunction as a grammatical operation distinct from complementation. Specifically, it demonstrates that there exist two distinct types of split quantification constructions and that while their diverging properties can be captured within a theory of phrase structure that recognizes the argument/adjunct distinction, these same properties pose a serious challenge to the view that adjunction should be reduced to complementation.

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